Not Signed-In
Which clippings match 'Michel De Certeau' keyword pg.1 of 1
15 JUNE 2012

Audience Research: Reception Analysis

"Despite the (implicit) nominal link to the work on what is also called 'Reception Theory', within the field of literary studies, carried out by Wolfgang Iser, Hans Jauss and other literary scholars (particular in Germany), the body of recent work on media audiences commonly referred to by this name, has on the whole, a different origin, although there are some theoretical links (cf., the work of Stanley Fish) than the work in literary theory. In practice, the term 'reception analysis', has come to be widely used as a way of characterising the wave of audience research which occurred within communications and cultural studies during the 1980s and 1990s. On the whole, this work has adopted a 'culturalist' perspective, has tended to use qualitative (and often ethnographic) methods of research and has tended to be concerned, one way or another, with exploring the active choices, uses and interpretations made of media materials, by their consumers.

As indicated in the previous discussion of 'The Media Audience', the single most important point of origin for this work, lies with the development of cultural studies in the writings of Stuart Hall at the Centre for Contemporary Cultural Studies at the University of Birmingham, England, in the early 1970s and, in particular, Hall's widely influential 'encoding/decoding' model of communications (see the discussion of 'The Media Audience' for an explanation of this model). Hall's model provided the inspiration, and much of the conceptual framework for a number of C.C.C.S' explorations of the process of media consumption, notably David Morley's widely cited study of the cultural patterning of differential interpretations of media messages among The 'Nationwide' Audience and Dorothy Hobson's work on women viewers of the soap opera Crossroads. These works were the forerunners of a blossoming of cultural studies work focusing on the media audience, throughout the 1980s and 1990s, including, among the most influential, from a feminist point of view, the work of Tania Modleski and Janice Radway on women consumers of soap opera and romance, and the work of Ien Ang, Tamar Liebes and Elihu Katz, Kim Schroder and Jostein Gripsrud on international cross cultural consumption of American drama series, such as Dallas and Dynasty.

Much of this work has been effectively summarised and popularised, especially, in the United States by John Fiske, who has drawn on the theoretical work of Michel de Certeau to develop a particular emphasis on the 'active audience', operating within what he terms the 'semiotic democracy' of postmodern pluralistic culture. Fiske's work has subsequently been the object of some critique, in which a number of authors, among them Budd, Condit, Evans, Gripsrud, and Seamann have argued that the emphasis on the openness (or 'polysemy') of the message and on the activity (and the implied 'empowerment') of the audience, within reception analysis, has been taken too far, to the extent that the original issue––of the extent of media power––has been lost sight of, as if the 'text' had been theoretically 'dissolved' into the audience's (supposedly) multiple 'readings' of (and 'resistances' to) it.

In the late 1980s, there were a number of calls to scholars to recognise a possible 'convergence' of previously disparate approaches under the general banner of 'reception analysis' (cf. in particular, Jensen and Rosengren), while Blumler et al. have claimed that the work of a scholar such as Radway is little more than a 're–invention' of the 'uses and gratifications' tradition––a claim hotly contested by Schroder. More recently, both Curran and Corner have offered substantial critiques of 'reception analysis'––the former accusing many reception analysts of ignorance of the earlier traditions of media audience research, and the latter accusing them of retreating away from important issues of macro–politics and power into inconsequential micro–ethnographies of domestic television consumption. For a reply to these criticisms, see Morley, 1992."

(David Morley, The Museum of Broadcast Communications)

1

TAGS

1970s1980s1990sactive audience • active choices • activity • American drama series • Anna-Maria Seemann • audienceaudience research • Billy Budd • Celeste Condit • Centre for Contemporary Cultural Studiescommunication theorycommunications and cultural studiesconsumersconsumption • Crossroads (television series) • cultural patterning • cultural studies • culturalist perspective • Dallas (television series) • David Morley • differential interpretations • domestic television consumption • Dorothy Hobson • Dynasty (television series) • Elihu Katz • Elizabeth Evans • empowerment • encoding/decoding • ethnographic researchfeminist perspective • Hans Jauss • Ien Ang • international cross cultural consumption • interpretation • James Curran • Janice Radway • Jay Blumler • John Corner • John Fiske • Jostein Gripsrud • Karl Erik Rosengren • Kim Schroder • Klaus Jensen • literary scholarship • literary studiesliterary theory • macro-politics and power • MBC • media • media as text • media audience • media audience research • media audiencesmedia consumption • media messages • media power • media studiesmedia textmessageMichel de Certeau • micro-ethnographies • micro-ethnographies of domestic television consumption • model of communication • multiple readings • Museum of Broadcast Communicationsopennesspolysemy • postmodern pluralistic culture • powerqualitative research methods • reader-response criticism • reader-response theory • reception analysis • reception analysts • reception theory • romance • semiotic democracy • soap opera • Stanley Fish • Stuart Hall • Tamar Liebes • Tania Modleski • television • television consumption • textUnited StatesUniversity of Birmingham • uses and gratifications • Wolfgang Iser • women consumers • women viewers

CONTRIBUTOR

Simon Perkins
24 NOVEMBER 2009

Pedestrian Rhetoric and Scaffolding for Meaning

"naked city's fragments are linked by arrows, but fragments which are linked to each other are in different orientations and do not have any logical or straightforward relation to each other. the fragments do not include all of paris and the distance of the gaps between fragments do not illustrate the real distance between fragments. the arrows, while facilitating the egress of our imaginary psychogeographical wanderer, also seems to put spatial distance between the fragments, creating the gap, which is like what Michel de Certeau (chapter on Walking in the City – The Practice of Everyday Life) describes as a procedure of 'Asyndeton', or 'opening gaps in the spatial continuum' and 'retaining only selected parts of it that amount almost to relics'."

(无认屋)

1

TAGS

1957architecturecontingencydesigndiagramdiscursive fieldengagementenvironmentephemeraeveryday lifefragmentaryfragmentsGuy Debord • in context • in situinformation spaceinterpretationmapmeaningMichel de Certeau • Naked City • orderingParisplacepsychogeographyrelationrhetoric • scaffolding • Situationistssocial interactionspacestructuretactic • Walking in the City • wanderer

CONTRIBUTOR

Simon Perkins
08 JUNE 2009

Video in the City: Possibilities for Transformation in the Urban Space

"This thesis is an attempt at looking at the ways video can create a change in the city. The specific use of video by communities and activists is what is meant by video as opposed to its other uses. In this thesis video is not ascribed an emancipatory role per se, rather its potentials will be explored though its practice.

In order to understand the significance of different uses of video in the city, first the visual terrain of the city video is acting in will be explored around the concepts of spectacle and surveillance. After that the relation of the visual technologies of photography and cinema with the modern city will be analysed. Although these two are not taken as predecessors of video, some of their uses resemble to that of video's.

Video is a technology that is used in different contexts. In the scope of this thesis, video art, video activism and participatory uses of video will be dealt with in detail. Video is also defined as a tactic using de Certeau's terminology.

Process and practice are important in studying video's uses, so this thesis will also be informed by different practices of three different video groups. Karahaber in Ankara, PTTL in Brussels and Spectacle in London have developed different practices that are defined by their local conditions as well as aspirations of the group members. No matter how locally defined and specific they are, these practices can be assembled together under certain topics. Documenting, reconstruction, monitoring the monitors, having a voice, encounter(s) and transformation are such topics defined in this thesis.

The main argument of the thesis is that video is a tool that is capable of creating local narratives that can bring about the differential space Henri Lefebvre has situated against the abstract space of capitalism. The former will not emerge with an overnight collapse of the latter, but rather will infiltrate through the cracks left open. Video is one medium that can create more cracks."
(B. Siynem Ezgi Sarıtaş)

TAGS

changecitycommunityemancipationengagementfilmmakingHenri Lefebvrelocal narrativeslocal storiesLondonMichel de Certeauparticipationsocial changesocial constructionismsocial interactionsociety • Spectacle Productions • tacticthesistransformationUKurbanvideo • Video in the City

CONTRIBUTOR

Simon Perkins
21 NOVEMBER 2005

Tactical Behaviour Vs Strategic Planning

"I call a 'strategy' the calculus of force–relationships which becomes possible when a subject of will and power (a proprietor, an enterprise, a city, a scientific institution) can be isolated from an 'environment.' A strategy assumes a place that can be circumscribed as proper (propre) and thus serve as the basis for generating relations with an exterior distinct from it (competitors, adversaries, 'clienteles,' 'targets,' or 'objects' of research). Political, economic, and scientific rationality has been constructed on this strategic model.

I call a 'tactic,' on the other hand, a calculus which cannot count on a 'proper' (a spatial or institutional localization), nor thus on a borderline distinguishing the other as a visible totality. The place of a tactic belongs to the other.[20] A tactic insinuates itself into the other's place, fragmentarily, without taking it over in its entirety, without being able to keep it at a distance. It has at its disposal no base where it can capitalize on its advantages, prepare its expansions, and secure independence with respect to circumstances. The 'proper' is a victory of space over time. On the contrary, because it does not have a place, a tactic depends on time–it is always on the watch for opportunities that must be seized 'on the wing.' Whatever it wins, it does not keep. It must constantly manipulate events in order to turn them into 'opportunities.' The weak must continually turn to their own ends forces alien to them. This is achieved in the propitious moments when they are able to combine heterogeneous elements (thus, in the supermarket, the housewife confronts heterogeneous and mobile data–what she has in the refrigerator, the tastes, appetites, and moods of her guests, the best buys and their possible combinations with what she already has on hand at home, etc.); the intellectual synthesis of these given elements takes the form, however, not of a discourse, but of the decision itself, the act and manner in which the opportunity is 'seized.'"

(Michel de Certeau, 2011)

Michel de Certeau (2011). "The Practice of Everyday Life", University of California Press; 3rd Revised edition edition (11 Nov 2011).

[20] The works of P. Bourdieu and those of M. Détienne and J.–P. Vernant make possible the notion of "tactic" more precise, but the socio–linguistic investigations of H. Garfinkel, H. Sacks, et al. also contribute to this clarification. See notes 9 and 10.

[Michel de Certeau makes a distinction between 'top–down' strategic planning and structure that impose a 'proper' place and behaviour upon subjects of power – for example, the classical score is the proper score, everything mapped out (or at least, that's what the powers that be think – the conservatorium that I was trained in though that all the musical content of a work was IN and ONLY IN the static permanent score, fuck the temporary sounds and performances – logos). Whereas, tactical behaviours comes from the 'bottom–up', guerrilla style, in which there is no proper place for things, no condensation of activities into discursive or commercial commodities. Shit happens is kind of what it means. Improvisational, tactical ways of operating that aren't solely bounded by strategies from above. This is the political potential of Jazz, freeing up listeners and performers to be with the immediate moments of sound and play. What is tactical planning and tactical structure then? It must be a minimal way in which to encourage guerrilla behaviour without denying it. Blogging and Picture communities on the net might be examples, but think then of how corporates try to take over this spontaneous communal grass–roots activity and commodify it (Wrigley's Juicy Fruit gum tried to market themselves through a corporate blog about how fictional 'Fred' loved it some much and found many tactical uses for it beyond chewing it). When Jazz improv becomes codified and taught/assimilated into conservatorium schools, then it loses its purely tactical nature and becomes strategic. Which perhaps is always going to be the case if we agree with Guy Debord that the strategic Spectacle will always come to incorporate the tactical interventionist Fringe.]

TAGS

Edward Laumann • Erving Goffmanfragmentary • guerrilla style • Guy Debord • Harold Garfinkel • Harvey Sacks • has on hand • Jean-Pierre Vernant • Jeremy Boissevain • Joshua Fishman • Marcel Detienne • Marcel Mauss • Michel de CerteauPierre Bourdieuproper • propre • scientific rationalitystrategic modelstrategytactictactical behaviourtactical engagement • victory of space over time
20 JANUARY 2004

The Constellations publishing application: associative and dialogic

The Constellations publishing application is an instance of the Constellations Project. It is a structured repository whose organisational approach has been informed by an understanding of Mikhail Bakhtin''s Heteroglossia. In this way the application was an effort to facilitate the publication of user contributions through employing an associative and dialogic method. The Constellations application first went live in December 2003 and now represents the prototype for the post Web 2.0 Folksonomy version 1.0 and Folksonomy version 2.0 web applications.

1

Sign-In

Sign-In to Folksonomy

Can't access your account?

New to Folksonomy?

Sign-Up or learn more.