"Al Nakba, documentary (200 min) -produced by Al Jazeera- was first broadcasted in Arabic on the 60th anniversary of the Palestinian catastrophe. It was translated into English in 2009 and then into four different languages: French, German, Spanish and Italian. Al Nakba won the prize for the best long documentary about Palestine in Al Jazeera Fifth International Film Festival (Doha/Qatar) and the audience award in Amal Ninth Euro-Arab Film Festival (Santiago/Spain). It participated in other film festivals in Brazil, Argentina, Italy, Jordan, Egypt and Palestine."
"Al Nakba" (2008). directed by: Rawan Damen
Charlotte Kates, a spokeswoman for seven Vancouver–based groups calling themselves the Palestine Awareness Coalition "said the images, which went up in Vancouver on Tuesday, show the steady occupation of Palestinian territory by Israel. The coalition got the idea for the 'Disappearing Palestine' campaign from similar ads that have run in American cities like New York, Seattle and San Francisco.
'We wanted to draw attention to and shed light on the ongoing human rights violations ... against Palestinians,' she said.
'The Canadian government has been such a strong voice in support of Israel ... so we think it's particularly important that people in Vancouver and other Canadian cities learn about what's happening in Palestine now and what's happened there historically.'
Jewish groups have declared strong opposition to the ads, which are displayed at a wall mural in a Vancouver SkyTrain station as well as on 15 buses, and have tried to have TransLink, a government agency, remove them."
(Kim Nursall, 28 August 2013, The Canadian Press)
"I envisioned This Land Is Mine as the last scene of my potential–possible–maybe– feature film, Seder–Masochism, but it's the first (and so far only) scene I've animated. As the Bible says, 'So the last will be first, and the first will be last.'"
Fig.1 Nina Paley (2012) "This Land Is Mine".
Lee–Anne Hall (p.64–66)
Wearing suggests heterotopias as places willingly entered as points of escape and refusal of subject identities.
They provide a ?venue for making marginalised people visible and in solidarity or coalition movements with others?. The value of the heterotopic space for Indigenous groups would appear manifold. For the Indigenous users of the Square, space may be shaped as a consequence of the dominant culture?s institutions, but it is not shaped the coloniser culture. Heterotopic space is created, shaped and lived through Indigenous cultural discourses; knowledge, culture, values and systems argue that the mobilising of culturally specific discourses considered ?discontinuous, disqualified, illegitimate knowledges? is both counterpoint and refusal of the self–appointed ruling culture. The resulting zones enable an intimacy in a highly supervised environment such as the City Square, while also being a space where Indigenous identity and authority is affirmed. In such environments heterotopias function as ?insulating? spaces within which there is a managed defering capacity and purpose reminds us of the profound ways in which Indigenous culture has been disrupted. These spaces are both Indigenous creations and postcolonial artefact, for as Jacobs reminds us, space and cultures are constituted by ?their necessary positioning in the modern?. 
Cowlishaw uses Sennett and Cobb to forward the notion that an ?arena of dignity? may be strategically created by Aborigines as both defence and guard of the group. ?Arenas of dignity? may have a prosaic form as exemplified through small Indigenous groups sitting on the ground playing Bingo. In this setting, ?members of a group can gain their sense of honour from the group?s integrity rather than from those who dominate the economic political arena?. Morris and Sansom offer readings of Indigenous gatherings as defiant and on occasion self consciously resistant to the conventions of the dominant European culture.
Indigenous users of Victoria Square do not find themselves secreted away from ?inter–racial dealings?. Their heterotopic formation exists upon a ground which maximises the potential for surveillance and control by the City administrators and police. As objects of the authoritarian gaze it would appear that they have opened themselves to rule and subjugation. Yet, their use of space might also be read as a strategic engagement with the City. By never being lost from view Indigenous users of the Square confront their observers with those they have sought to dispossess, and who continue to refuse to go away. As to whether their heterotopic formations are knowingly iconoclastic, and therefore a deliberate attack upon the venerated settler space, is unknown. What does seem certain is their insistence that this space is also theirs. Hence, Indigenous presence in the Square may be understood as both reterritorialisation of the City centre and a reinscription of the space as still Aboriginal ground.
 Betsy M. Wearing, Leisure and Feminist Theory (London: Sage Publications), 1998, 171.
 Foucault in Gordon, C., 1980, Power/Knowledge: Selected Interviews and Other Writings (New York: Pantheon Books), 81?83.
 Jacobs, Edge of Empire, 25.
 Gillian.K. Cowlishaw, ?The Materials for Identity Construction?, in J. Beckett, ed. Past and Present ? The Construction of Aboriginality (Canberra: Aboriginal Studies Press), 1988, 87?107.
Hall describes the use of Adelaide's (Australia) public Squares (Victoria, Light, Hindmarsh, Whitmore and Hurtle) by Indigenous Australians. She describes their use in terms of the competing Euro–centric understanding of the space originally conceptualised by the Surveyor–General Colonel William Light and the Kaurna people, the rightful owners of the Adelaide plains.
This paper is available from: Humanities Research – Cultural Politics and Iconography